Showing posts with label electoral politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label electoral politics. Show all posts

Thursday, July 13, 2017

“The FELDA Quarrel and its National Ramifications” by Khor Yu Leng

“The FELDA Quarrel and its National Ramifications” by Khor Yu Leng is out and downloadable at this link:
https://www.iseas.edu.sg/articles-commentaries/iseas-perspective?utm_source=newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=iseas_perspective_main

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The ferocity of the public quarrel that broke out during Ramadhan at Felda Global Ventures Holdings Berhad (FGV, a public-listed group associated with the Federal Land Development Authority or FELDA) suggests that Prime Minister Najib Razak is not in full control of UMNO and will not call for early general elections.CEO Zakaria Arshad (a son of settlers and a FELDA insider) garnered support amid general calls to oust UMNO strongman Isa Samad as FGV’s non-executive Chairman. 

Social media exposés about dodgy corporate deals and illegitimate spending at FGV triggered an anti-corruption investigation.

FELDA’s Malay voters hold sway in almost a quarter of Malaysia’s parliamentary constituencies. Survey data show sliding support for UMNO-BN in a majority of these seats.

Chinks in the FELDA-FGV armour are keenly eyed by the wily ex-Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed who opposes Najib and has been enjoying unprecedented access to FELDA areas.

Tuesday, June 21, 2016

Press interviews

In Bloomberg

Malaysia Paddy Fields Are Najib’s Battlefield to Woo Voters by  Shamim Adam June 20, 2016 http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-06-19/malaysia-paddy-fields-become-battlefield-for-najib-to-woo-voters

Priced-to-Sell Felda Jumps in IPO Debut: Southeast Asia by   Ranjeetha Pakiam  http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2012-06-28/priced-to-sell-felda-jumps-in-ipo-debut-southeast-asia

Tuesday, June 23, 2015

Palm oil / commodity production and Malaysia electoral politics - WSJ feature on Genting donations to YR1M, Bersih asks for EC investigation

There are various connections for smallholder agribusiness (large economic sectors) with Malaysia electoral politics - notably Felda rural politics, and also Felcra and Risda:

Recently the WSJ features the linkage of donations by a large public-listed plantation group to 1MDB linked charity with funds allegedly flowing to boost Prime Minister Najib's electoral efforts in GE2013

WSJ: Fund Controversy Threatens Malaysia’s Leader - debts run up by state development fund 1MDB have roiled Malaysia’s markets and led to calls for its leader to step aside; By Tom Wright June 18, 2015 10:34 p.m. ET; KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia—A state investment fund is at the center of a burgeoning political and financial controversy that is roiling markets and leading to calls for the ouster of Malaysia’s prime minister....

Nazri legitimises the act of a robber, says Pua by malaysiakini, Senior minister Mohamed Nazri Abdul Aziz's statement on the use of the 1Malaysia Development Bhd (1MDB) fund to bankroll 13th general election has left the nation in disbelief, for he merely legitimised the act of a robber, an opposition MP says.  Nazri has legitimised the act of “robbing Peter to pay Paul”, DAP Petaling Jaya Utara MP Tony Pua said in a statement today.  The tourism and culture minister even thanked the Wall Street Journal (WSJ), which reported the use of the 1MDB fund for the general election of 2013, for setting the record straight. "If the report carried by WSJ is proven true, then it is good, as it shows the money was not lost. Then why do you (critics) say the money is lost?  What's wrong with (Finance Ministry wholly-owned 1MDB's) money being spent on the people?" Nazri (photo) told Malaysiakini yesterday.  But what was exposed by WSJ also showed that the companies that benefited from 1MDB's generous acquisition offers have separately contributed to a “charity” controlled by Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak, said Pua, who is also DAP national publicity secretary.  The leading international financial paper further claimed that some of these donations were then channelled to activities related to the Barisan Nasional’s election campaigns.  Worse, there is nothing in the Companies Commission (SSM) documents pertaining to YR1M, a company limited by guarantee, that it is in anyway related to the government, he said.   "Instead, YR1M looks like a private vehicle controlled entirely by the prime minister.  "Why should these allegedly ‘charitable’ deeds be handed out by this private vehicle, and not directly and transparently by the government?" he asked......"Indeed, based on the above, the prime minister, Genting Bhd, 1MDB and YR1M must not only be investigated by the Election Commission for committing electoral fraud as demanded by electoral reform group Bersih. "They must also be investigated by both the police and the Malaysian ti-Corruption Commission for possible embezzlement and misappropriation of public funds, criminal breach of trust (CBT) and corrupt practices," Pua added.

‘Haram’ money used by Umno to win GE13? By Yoursay; WSJ: Najib used 1MDB's funds for GE13; YOURSAY ‘WSJ is merely stating what Malaysians have already known.'  Abu Iman: If that is the case, Umno used 'haram' money to win GE13.... Swipenter: One would have thought that Umno would have huge piles of slush funds stashed away for use in elections. ... https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/302542

EC tells Bersih to lodge report if 1MDB backed Najib’s GE13 campaign BY MOHD FARHAN DARWIS Published: 21 June 2015 4:55 PM; The Election Commission (EC) today questioned the actions of election watchdog Bersih 2.0 which had accused it of failing to introduce necessary reforms to rein in unfettered electoral abuse and corruption, following a Wall Street Journal (WSJ) report that 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) had indirectly bankrolled the prime minister's 2013 election campaign. EC chairman Tan Sri Abdul Aziz Mohd Yusof said Bersih 2.0 should collate evidence and lodge reports with the relevant authorities if it felt the WSJ report had merit. http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/ec-tells-bersih-2.0-to-lodge-report-if-1mdb-backed-najibs-ge13-campaign#sthash.hVT7Sxbr.dpbs

Bersih: Did 1MDB funds help BN steal GE13? Updated Jun 20, 2015 10:17pm; Electoral reform group Bersih today expressed shock over a Wall Street Journal (WSJ) report claiming that 1MDB's funds was used for election campaigning through intermediaries. "The WSJ report comes as a revolting truth of how the 13th general election was stolen from the people of Malaysia," its steering committee said in a statement today.  Bersih said the WSJ report implied that 1MDB may have been used as a government-controlled election slush fund for Umno.  "This is totally outrageous and an abuse of power because brazen dirty tactics have been used to manipulate voters’ trust.  "It also raised the issue of whether this is just the tip of the iceberg. Are there any other government-controlled money used in similar manner?" it said.... http://m.malaysiakini.com/news/302515


  

Addressing Malaysia's rural voters: RM151mil windfall for Risda rubber smallholders; Najib announces RM10m trust fund for Felcra settlers

23 June 2015: BERNAMA: RM151mil windfall for rubber smallholders June 20, 2015 Early Hari Raya cheer with dividend payout for planters in two Risda schemes; PEKAN: More than 30,000 rubber smallholders received early Hari Raya Aidilfitri cheer today with news of a total of RM151 million dividends to be paid out for those registered with two schemes by Risda, the rubber smallholders development authority. Of the total amount, RM43.9 million will be for 16,080 participants of the New Clusters Development and RM107.2 million to 16,158 participants of its Commercial Replanting Scheme. The prime minister, Najib Razak, said he hoped the dividend payments “will put us in a more comfortable position to celebrate the coming Aidilfitri”. He said the government was committed towards helping to raise the smallholders’ monthly income and standard of living. They were part of the bottom 40 per cent of society, with an average monthly income of about RM2,500. Najib also approved a Death Benefit Scheme of RM5.24 million for all rubber and oil palm smallholders registered with Risda. The prime minister also announced an allocation of RM2 million as initial funding for the Risda Foundation, which provides aid for the education, sports and social-welfare of smallholders, their families and the staff of Risda and companies owned by the agency. Najib said an expected shortfall in federal government revenue because of falling world oil prices would be met through revenue raised by the Goods and Services Tax (GST) imposed from April 1.... http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2015/06/20/rm151mil-windfall-for-rubber-smallholders/
28 May 2015: Najib announces RM10m trust fund for Felcra settlers Thursday May 28, 2015 08:36 PM GMT+8; KUALA LUMPUR, May 28 — Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak today announced a trust fund with an initial capital injection of RM10 million to help Felcra settlers raise their living standard and income. e said the Felcra Settlers Trust Fund would be handled by Felcra and would receive an annual injection of RM5 million..... He also said that Felcra had been given due attention in the 11th Malaysia Plan and that a large allocation had been provided through it for rural development. This went to show that Felcra played an important role in national development though, at times, the size of the land developed by it was small compared to that worked by Felda, he said. — Bernama; http://www.themalaymailonline.com/malaysia/article/najib-announces-rm10m-trust-fund-for-felcra-settlers#sthash.ycdanzgP.dpuf

Saturday, May 9, 2015

Rompin by-election spotlights Felda swing - review of Malaysiakini news and other media

A very useful micro analysis of the Rompin by-election by Malaysiakini on the Felda swing against UMNO-BN and a possible Chinese voter swing back on hudud (newslinks below). Malaysian Insider offers a more macro perspective viewpoint, with some focus on Najib's leadership issues* and some introspection by UMNO-BN leaders on "lessons" from Rompin.
 
*"PM's approval rating slips to 44%" here http://merdeka.org/v4/index.php/downloads/category/2-researches?download=153:january-2015-national-poll-approval-rating-top-issues and perhaps fortunately a lack of traction of 1MDB crisis outside of various urban circles; "Majority of voters lack awareness and comprehension of 1MDB controversy" http://www.merdeka.org/v4/index.php/downloads/category/2-researches?download=156:national-poll-march-2015-1mdb-final

Malaysiakini seems to have the most useful coverage (please do click on the links go to their website to read in full). I'll add more from other sources soon. But clearly, the focus is immediately on Permatang Pauh by-election (today, 7 May 2015) to see if the trends in Rompin carry over there too. Blog link: PR opposition coalition (update 18): All eyes on Permatang Pauh by-election today; a pro-ulama hudud scuffle; http://khoryuleng.blogspot.com/2015/01/malay-unity-and-pakatan-rakyan.html
 
Malaysia rural and semi-urban votes are important to keep an eye on after the 2013 general election decisive urban swing against the UMNO-Barisan Nasional ruling coalition.
 
Teaser on new Felda settler socio-economic study I'm involved with here (due for release in a few months): http://khorreports-palmoil.blogspot.com/2015/04/felda-settlers-study-sneak-peak.html
 
Two political-economy pieces on Felda and electoral politics are just out.
 
The Political Tussle Over Felda Land Schemes – UMNO Strengthens Its Malay Rural Fortress in 13th General Election by Khor Yu Leng. My article has just been published in Kajian Malaysia. Download via this link: http://khoryuleng.blogspot.com/2014/11/the-political-tussle-over-felda-land.html
 
Also, it is carried in a chapter in ISEAS book just published (picture left). Coalitions in Collision: Malaysia's 13th General Elections by Johan Saravanamuttu, Lee Hock Guan, Mohamed Nawab Mohamed Osman, editors. Date of publication: 2015 Publisher: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies / Strategic Information and Research Development Centre No. of pages: 309
Chapters on rural politics and Felda are....
5. The Political Economy of FELDA Seats: UMNO's Malay Rural Fortress in GE13, by Khor Yu Leng, author
6. Fragmented but Captured: Malay Voters and the FELDA Factor in GE13, by Maznah Mohamad, author
 
..........................

Perkasa chief (often associated with Mahathir) also in attack mode

Rompin, Permatang Pauh show Umno near its end, Perkasa claims BY SYED JAYMAL ZAHIID Friday May 8, 201506:01 PM GMT+8; KUALA LUMPUR, May 8 — The drastic drop in Umno’s votes during the Rompin and Permatang Pauh by-elections signal that the Malay community is starting to reject the party seen to represent only the rich, Perkasa chief Datuk Ibrahim Ali said today. The former Umno leader said Perkasa’s observations in the two by-elections found that discontent towards the Goods and Services Tax (GST) was the main reason behind Umno’s decline in support, adding that it also found the party’s machinery to be weak and powerless when dealing with the issue. “In Rompin the main issue was GST and the [Felda Global Venture] scandal. In Permatang Pauh it was also GST and other issues like 1MDB, the money spent on the jet and the prime minister’s wife. “What was the gist of Umno’s campaign? They played on the division of the opposition, an issue that is ineffective because why? Because people are more concerned about the cost of living... people are squeezed economically,” Ibrahim told a press conference at Perkasa’s main office here. The former Pasir Mas federal lawmaker said to this was exacerbated by lack of capable speakers and activists among Umno’s election machinery who could connect with the voters. Ibrahim alleged the problem was symptomatic of Umno’s condition now, a party bereft of capable and hardworking leaders and headed by a pampered lot only comfortable working in air-conditioned rooms rather than going down to the ground. ... http://www.themalaymailonline.com/malaysia/article/rompin-permatang-pauh-show-umno-near-its-end-perkasa-claims#sthash.Tl2YGnZf.dpuf

Sin Chew - news links

Messages behind the Rompin results   2015-05-07 14:51  By LIM MUN FAH  Translated by DOMINIC LOH  Sin Chew Daily; If the by-elections in Rompin and Permatang Pauh are, like analysts say, a kind of referendum for Najib, then the results for Rompin by-election should come as more of a concern than reassurance. Rompin is a fight that is not going to deliver much surprise. Indeed, the BN candidate won as many had anticipated. The question lies with the percentage of votes won and how the Malay and Chinese voters had voted, and which between GST and hudud had bigger impact on the final outcome Umno's Hasan Arifin won with a slashed majority of 8,895 votes, sharply down by 6,219 votes compared to the impressive majority of 15,114 votes during GE13......
Compared to May 2013, the percentage of votes won by the BN candidate this time has slid from 66.8% to 61.5%. On the contrary, PAS' percentage went up by a remarkable 5.3%, from 33.2% to 38.5%. This is what caused the dramatic drop of BN's votes by 6,219 votes while PAS' votes only fell marginally by 25 votes.......There are three things that we need to mention here. Firstly, of all the 38 polling stations, PAS won in five, against one only in GE13, which is a major improvement. Secondly, the votes garnered by PAS candidate at channels 3 and 4, mostly from younger voters, increased noticeably. Thirdly, the hudud law issue did not seem to affect the party's support rate among Malay voters. In its stead, Umno seemed to have paid a bigger price from the GST impact.
As we all know, rural areas and Felda settlements are traditionally Umno's stronghold. Although Umno has managed to retain this traditional stronghold, the significantly reduced majority and percentage of votes are not a good sign for the party. Could this be the start of Umno and BN losing their rural constituency advantage? Could Mahathir's verbal attacks on PM Najib be another factor that eroded BN's advantage in Rompin in addition to the GST issue? And will Mahathir bank on this situation to further exert pressure on the PM, thus deepening the crisis of existing Umno leadership?...... Of course, BN has also made some gains in the form of returning Chinese votes, showing that Chinese Malaysians are indeed resistant to PAS and its hudud advocacy. This nevertheless should not be a cause for relief for both MCA and Gerakan, for in polling stations with about 15% of Chinese voters, BN still performed badly at channels 3 and 4 made up mainly of younger and middle-age voters....... In short, the Rompin results do not give the PM much credit but will sink him to deeper dilemma. The results of the upcoming Permatang Pauh by-election is yet another major test awaiting him. Even if BN is not able to wrest the seat from PKR, at least it must trim some of its majority votes. This is the least that could be required of the PM, and should serve as an important basis for him to cling on to power.......http://www.mysinchew.com/node/108672?tid=12


Malaysian Insider - news links

Najib factor not cause of lower Rompin majority, says BN BY EILEEN NG Published: 7 May 2015 9:00 AM; Leaders from the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition have disputed views that a reduced majority at the recent Rompin by-election was a sign of voters' cooling response towards Datuk Seri Najib Razak's leadership. Instead, issues like the goods and services tax (GST), a complacent election machinery and gloomy sentiments over falling palm oil prices could have contributed to its diminished performance, said BN leaders from both Malay ruling party Umno and senior Chinese partner MCA who played down the Najib factor. The most important thing, they said, was that BN retained the federal seat despite efforts by the opposition..... Umno's Pulai MP Datuk Nur Jazlan Mohamed said the party's machinery in Rompin and voter apathy were contributing factors to the lower majority. "The PAS candidate managed to get almost the same votes as compared with the last GE. So their support is still strong. "But Rompin Umno machinery's commitment is questionable because they did not manage to increase the level of turnout and votes despite it being a by-election and the huge resources spent. "The slimmer majority could be narrowed further in the next GE if Rompin Umno remains complacent in a 85% Malay majority seat," Nur Jazlan said in a WhatsApp message to The Malaysian Insider. Kuantan MCA division chief Datuk Seri Ti Lian Ker also dismissed the Najib factor, or lack of it, since the BN's campaign did not feature posters of the prime minister nor his presence much, despite Pahang being his own state. Najib's Pekan constituency is in Pahang. "Najib's presence was never in Rompin all along, it was more associated with JJ," he said in referring to the late Rompin MP Tan Sri Jamaluddin Jarjis's moniker. He attributed the lower turnout to a "silent protest" against the GST and the slump in palm oil prices, as many of electorate in the rural constituency were Felda settlers, a scheme to help the poor plant cash crops like oil palm. He said this proved that people are becoming more issue-centric and playing up racial and religious sentiments did not drive the electorate to vote for either BN or Umno. "Of late, we can see political posturing where Umno and PAS are trying to outdo each other but it is not winning them any votes. "It is time for BN to take stock of this signal. There are issues that need to be resolved and resorting to racial and religious political antics does not work any more," Ti said....
.....But analyst Wan Saiful Wan Jan said that while the GST and financial scandals involving state investment vehicle 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) were some of the factors at play, he felt that Najib's lacklustre leadership was a reason for BN winning only 61% of total votes cast. In contrast, in the 13th general election two years ago, BN won 30,040 out of a total of 45,849 votes or 66% of the total votes. Rompin was a typical BN stronghold of mostly rural voters. "The slashing of the majority at this scale indicates there are more than local issues involved here. It boiled down to issues surrounding Najib's leadership. "The way I see it, voters are reacting to how they see Najib – incapable of moving the country forward – and they are translating this by not turning up to vote," Wan Saiful told The Malaysian Insider, adding that voting on a weekday could have affected turnout as well....But former Wanita Umno chief Tan Sri Rafidah Aziz said there was no point in pointing fingers as at the end of the day, what was important was that BN won at a still comfortable majority.
The former international trade and industry minister said BN could be returned stronger if Putrajaya improved on its governance, initiatives and communication with the public, especially on issues like 1MDB. – May 7, 2015http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/najib-factor-not-cause-of-lower-rompin-majority-says-bn#sthash.Zuw90j0Q.dpuf

Malaysiakini - news links

BN keeps Rompin, majority slashed by 40pct by Malaysiakini; BN has won the Rompin by-election with a significantly reduced majority, which could be a result of anger due to the implementation of the Goods and Services Tax (GST). At about 10.15pm, the Election Commission (EC) announced that BN's Hasan Arifin had won the polls by a 8,895 majority - a dramatic drop of 40.8 percent compared to its majority two years ago at the 2013 general election. Hasan, a former Pahang deputy menteri besar had polled 23,796 while PAS's Nazri Ahmad had garnered 14,901 votes.
At a glance, the number of votes for BN had dropped by 20.8 percent - from 30,040 in 2013 to 23,796, while the number of votes for PAS was almost at status quo. However, it must be stressed that there is a lower turnout (39,288) for this by-election. The turnout was 45,849 in 2013.
https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/297335

Beyond GST and hudud, a Felda revolt in Rompin By Nigel Aw
ANALYSIS The Goods and Services Tax (GST) and hudud may have been the dominating issues during the Rompin by-election campaign but a crucial factor that appeared to have been overlooked was a brewing revolt by Felda settlers..... While BN's share of votes was reduced in most Malay majority areas, likely due to resentment against the GST, the swing against the ruling coalition was significantly higher in Felda settlements.... For example, according to polling district data, areas such as Muadzam Shah (96 percent Malay), Sungai Puteri (85 percent Malay), Kota Bahagia (86 percent Malay) and Sarang Tiong (90 percent Malay) saw an average swing of between three to six percent against BN. However, the data showed that the figure almost doubles in Felda polling districts with several seeing swings of almost 10 percent against BN..... While PAS campaigned heavily on GST in towns and villages, Felda issues was its trump card. The party's candidate, Nazri Ahmad himself is a descendent of a Felda Keratong settler..... PAS central committee member Mazlan Aliman, who leads the NGO National Felda Settlers' Children Association, said the revolt was already anticipated during his campaign. Mazlan (photo) said that unlike previous by-elections where Felda were considered near impenetrable BN strongholds, settlers were receptive and turned up at their ceramahs. Felda settlements have traditionally been difficult to reach by the opposition due to its often isolated locations and self-subsistence thanks to dedicated facilities built by the government. "If we were to compare to the 13th general election, at that time, Felda Global Ventures (FGV) was only just listed and settlers received a windfall of up to RM15,000 so BN won big. "But since then, FGV shares have fallen and our warnings about how Felda settlers will face hardship turned into a reality," he told Malaysiakini.... During the general election, FGV shares which were distributed to settlers was worth around RM4.60 each. The share closed at RM2.09 today. Voting data suggests that the youth vote swing was more than 10 percent, while there was also noticeable swing among the elderly voters, which have traditionally been staunch BN supporters..... Pending lawsuits against Felda. Mazlan pointed out that the Felda Keratong cluster has been a focus for PAS, which have been assisting some 700 settlers with their lawsuits against Felda. The settlers are suing Felda for allegedly cheating them by purchasing their oil palm fruits at a lower price than what they are worth in the market. "Seven hundred settlers is a significant number and when they are angry at Felda, they are also angry at the government as Felda is a federal agency," he said.... He added the discontent in Felda was further aggravated by the fall on commodity prices which has made life difficult for them.... Putrajaya's announcement during the by-election that it was offering houses to the descendents of Felda settlers for merely RM90,000 instead of the initial price of RM125,000 did little to placate this anger.
When the by-election was finally over, BN lost two Felda polling districts to PAS namely Felda Keratong 2 and Felda Keratong 4. In contrast, PAS only succeeded in winning a single polling district during the last general election, namely Bandar Baru Rompin due to anti-government sentiment among Chinese voters..... Even Felda Keratong 9, which saw the smallest shift against BN among the settlements, had a vote swing of 5.6 percent while other settlements in the Keratong cluster are Felda Keratong 1 (8.7 percent), Felda Keratong 2 (6.3 percent) and Felda Keratong 8 (6.8 percent)..... The anti-GST sentiment also helped PAS snap up other polling districts such as the fairly developed township of Muadzam Shah and Pianggu.... The polling districts of Pianggu and Leban Chondong were outliers with the former swinging heavily against BN, at 13.2 percent while the later swung 12.3 percent in favour of BN. It should be noted that both polling districts were affected by the massive flood last year and local factors such as how well reconstruction efforts went could have influenced voters...... Chinese voters backed BN. Even though PAS bagged several new polling districts, it lost Bandar Baru Rompin, possibly due to the party playing the hudud card towards the tail end of the campaign. The polling district, which comprise 81 percent Malays and 14 percent Chinese, swung 4.4 percent in favour of BN.... But PAS vice-president Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man, who led the party's machinery in the Rompin by-election said GST was a bigger factor compared to hudud. "GST was a major factor as it was PAS' slogan that a vote for it is a vote against GST. This was why youths rejected Umno. "Hudud was not a major factor as PAS did not use it as a campaign issue, it was only used minimally," he told Malaysiakini when contacted.... BN may attribute its reduced majority to the low turnout of 73 percent compared to 85.5 percent in the last general election, the fact remains BN lost several polling districts to PAS and its share of votes fell.
Umno vice president Hishammuddin yesterday appeared to acknowledge this, stating that the government needed to take cognisance of the by-election outcome.....
https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/297460
Consider Rompin's message, says Hisham By Adrian Wong 11:56PM May 5, 2015
Were Rompin voters trying to send Putrajaya and BN a message? Possibly, said Umno vice-president Hishammuddin Husein. "Like what Pahang menteri besar Adnan Yakoob said earlier, the results that we see here, maybe there are some things the government needs to take into consideration.
"But what is important is that we won," he told reporters after the Rompin by-election results were announced..... He was responding to a question on whether issues raised by PAS, particularly the implementation of the unpopular goods and services tax (GST), had an effect on the polls.
Earlier, Adnan told reporters that the lower turnout was a result of a long holiday over the weekend and thus many voters had left before polling day.... "We also understand that people are sending certain messages to the government - both state and federal - we will take note of these (messages)," he said. Asked if he was referring to GST, Adnan (photo) said both GST and Felda issues had caused some resentment among voters. "We wil; have to deal with these issues. Hopefully, the federal government can do sometime about it," he said.... On whether PAS' aggressive push for the implementation of hudud law worked to its advantage, Adnan said that it was a non-factor.
........In 2013, incumbent Jamaluddin Jarjis polled 30,040 votes while BN's candidate Hasan Arifin polled only 23,796 - a 20.8 percent drop. However, the number of votes for PAS was almost unchanged at 14,901 votes. ...Meanwhile, Bernama reported that PAS has cited the lower voter turnout as a contributing factor for its defeat. Pahang PAS commissioner Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man said the drop of 13 percent in the turnout as compared to the 13th general election two years ago had somewhat impacted the number of votes its candidate obtained. ........Nazri said although PAS lost in Felda Keratong 5, his home base by just 13 votes, overall the party had increased its votes from the younger generation of voters. "God willing, we will do better in the 14th general election," said,  Nazri, who is also Pahang PAS Youth chief.....

http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/297343


Comments posted in Malaysiakini - most likely reflective of a segment of urban centric views
 
Hisham, message from Rompin is clear By Yoursay 8:00AM May 7, 2015
  • The Observer: Putting it simply, the 20 percent reduction of votes for BN should have guaranteed its loss in GE14 if what was required was a five percent swing. The important thing is not that BN won, but that voters on both sides have spoken. Voters who were disappointed with PAS on the hudud issue have swung over to the BN. However that was not enough to offset an even bigger swing away from BN because of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) and 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) issues, etc.
  • Haveagreatday: Umno vice-president Hishammuddin Hussein, it shall be a miracle if Umnoputeras do indeed heed the message of the Rompin voters. GE13 message was loud and clear but you folks chose to hide your heads in the mud.
  • Jbsuara: The message is clear. Umno-BN bulldozed GST and implemented it against the wishes of the rakyat, and worse, the implementation was so flawed that what was obviously a 'double' taxation is done to the detriment of traders and citizens. 
  • ZhuGeLiang: All these negativities about Najib's leadership have been proven wrong by the voters of Rompin. The facts speak for themselves. BN won the by-election. There is no point arguing about it. Period.......

Umno and PAS both losers in Rompin By Yoursay
  • Jiminy Qrikert: Rompin is Malay heartland and the Malays are sending a very clear message to their leaders on both sides of the divide. This result is alarm bells for Malay hegemony. A good 7,000 Malays abandoned Umno as a protest against the Goods and Services Tax (GST). Their message - don't make my life any harder than it already is. PAS retained its support. It did not gain any new voters. The message to PAS - hudud cannot feed them. PAS will always be a ‘jaguh kampung’ (village champion). They will keep their traditional support base, but all others will fall away. That means the non-Malays will definitely abandon PAS. New young voters will not vote for PAS. And PAS will not attract the Umno supporters who abandon Umno in protest against GST.
  • I Wonder?: What a pity! If only PAS abandoned the hudud issue and has chosen the moderate path, it could have won this by-election. The rakyat is in dilemma as they are sandwiched between two evils. One is the corrupted Umno that created the GST that sucks the rakyat's blood slowly, and the other the fanatical ulama in PAS who insisted on hudud that will turn this country into an Islamic state. Both GST and hudud are bad. But hudud is worse as even many Muslims are rejecting it and consider it inhumane, barbaric, out of date and not realistic in this modern world. 
  • CQ Muar: This was what I had wished for and predicted - that BN will win, but with a much reduced majority of less than 10,000 votes.....

Friday, May 1, 2015

The Political Tussle Over Felda Land Schemes – UMNO Strengthens Its Malay Rural Fortress in 13th General Election by Khor Yu Leng

7 May 2015: Also, this paper is adapted and carried in a chapter in ISEAS book just published (picture left) - thanks to Johan and Hock Guan and rest of ISEAS team and for Kajian Malaysia for permission. And of course big thanks to my college friend Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid, Associate Professor and Chairman of Political Science, School of Distance Education, Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM) for pushing me to do something. I managed to use material I had developed in 2002 in Dr. Michael J. Montesano's Southeast Asian history class at NUS (which he'd been encouraging me to get published.... so finally, 12 years later...).

Coalitions in Collision: Malaysia's 13th General Elections by Johan Saravanamuttu, Lee Hock Guan, Mohamed Nawab Mohamed Osman, editors. Date of publication: 2015 Publisher: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies / Strategic Information and Research Development Centre No. of pages: 309
Chapters on rural politics and Felda are....
5. The Political Economy of FELDA Seats: UMNO's Malay Rural Fortress in GE13, by Khor Yu Leng, author
6. Fragmented but Captured: Malay Voters and the FELDA Factor in GE13, by Maznah Mohamad, author


1 November 2014: My article has just been published in Kajian Malaysia.

Kajian Malaysia special issue​  (Vol 32, Supplement 2, 2014): Malaysia's 13th General Election:  Reform, Change and Conservatism, articles have been successfully uploaded to, and can be freely downloaded from, Kajian's site at http://web.usm.my/km/current.html
Title: The Political Tussle Over Felda Land Schemes – UMNO Strengthens Its Malay Rural Fortress in 13th General Election
Author: Khor Yu Leng http://web.usm.my/km/32(Supp.2)2014/KM%2032%20Supp.%202_2014-Art.%204%20(89-121).pdf

Thursday, October 23, 2014

DAP suffers loss at Teluk Intan by-election (update 3): Zairil Dyana decry gutter politics

24 October 2014. A gutter post-script?
 
Intimate ‘photos’ of DAP’s Zairil, Dyana go viral Published: 19 October 2014; "Two DAP politicians have termed photos of themselves allegedly in intimate poses “gutter politics at its lowest”. The alleged pictures of Bukit Bendera MP Zairil Khir Johari and Teluk Intan by-election candidate Dyana Sofya Mohd Daud surfaced this morning and has been making its rounds on social media..." http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/intimate-photos-of-daps-zairil-dyana-go-viral#sthash.JZF3roQM.dpuf
 
Background:
Zairil Khir Johari: Why I joined DAP By Shazwan Mustafa Kamal Published: 25 January 2011; "Zairil said he chose the DAP because it shared ‘common goals’ with what his late father had looked for in the ‘old’ Umno. — Pictures by Jack OoiKUALA LUMPUR, Jan 25 — A year ago, Zairil Khir Johari’s only association with politics would be his father — the late Tan Sri Mohd Khir Johari, Umno stalwart, former education minister and who served three prime ministers including the late Tunku Abdul Rahman. Over the past few months, however, Zairil’s name has been the talk of the town, namely through opposition blogs as well as anti-Pakatan Rakyat (PR) blogs over his appearance at the coalition’s last convention in Kepala Batas, where he was a guest speaker. His retractors have accused him of being a “traitor” and “anti-Malay” for abandoning his late father’s party and choosing to become a part of the DAP — a party which is still feared by many Malays and considered to be pro-Chinese due to its majority Chinese membership...."  http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/zairil-khir-johari-why-i-joined-dap#sthash.5dSQVmuQ.dpuf
 
5 June 2014. Interview: Wong Chen on electoral politics in rural Malaysia and Teluk Intan

Q: Teluk Intan; what is your take on the semi-urban and rural voters?

First off, I wasn’t in Teluk Intan for the by-election. So my comments here are mostly based on news and feedback from politicians who were there. I also speak from my experience campaigning in rural Bentong, Pahang. 

I spent a year and half, from 2011 to 2012, working the ground. Bentong is about one hour north of Kuala Lumpur by highway. This is a semi-urban and rural constituency with similar demographics to Teluk Intan, with 47% Chinese voters, 42% Malay voters, 8% Indian voters and 3% Orang Asli voters. It is a large parliamentary seat with four state seats (DUNs) and several FELDA settlements. The bulk of the Chinese are in Bentong town along with a sizeable Malay population of civil servants. In addition there were also a lot of small rural Chinese villages. Indians were mostly living in rubber estates and in towns.
I campaigned everywhere, getting to know the imams, village heads, estate workers, Chinese local tai-kors. I organised friendly football games to get to know the youth in the Felda settlements. This attracted the entire village to come out to watch the game. I also attended weddings and funerals. I like to believe that I got to know the social structure of the place quite well. The first six months was exploratory and I fumbled around, but subsequently the villagers believed that I was there for the long haul and started to welcome my visits..............

Click here for more... http://khoryuleng.blogspot.com/2014/06/interview-wong-chen-on-electoral.html


1 June 2014. I have spoken to several politicians, business people, political analysts and urban voters since my posting last evening (about 10 interviewees, by email, IM and face-to-face). Needless to say the topic is of high interest to many observers and specialists.
 
First of all, to note that the Chinese swing was -15% and Malay swing +3% for DAP at Teluk Intan. Thus, it turns out that both swings were worse than expected, especially the massive Chinese voter negative swing.
 
Some observers felt that the candidate's past Perkasa linkage (via her mother) and less than frank accounting of it was bad on credibility. Others point to the wider situation of the current disarray of the opposition with tussles over redistricting / redelineation and DAP expansionism, PKR party elections tainted by money politics and fraud, various Selangor problems and its Chief Minister Khalid facing credibility issues (over his getting a surprising sweetheart deal from BN in the form of a large loan forgiveness; contrasting heavily with other opposition senior leaders who just get accelerated negative court cases). PAS has been pushing hudud (flirting wth Umno in doing so) and Selangor state Islamic authorities actions have troubled the Christian community etc. One senior Chinese urban voter said that "people are slowly (asking) what is the difference between BN and PR. I guess people's expectation is that PR will take them out from the current BN (ruling style). May not be fair (to expect so much) but people are selfish."
 
Senior political experts who had visited or have knowledge of Teluk Intan felt that not enough had been done on the ground campaigning e.g. not enough posters / presence. It was confirmed that the DAP Perak machinery had not been well engaged - there was a reliance on KL urban volunteers. Some also noted PAS ground campaigning may not be as effective as expected[1].
 
Confusing multiple images of the candidate has also been questioned. Some also ask if the portrayal of Dyana may not have endeared her with women voters in general.
 
 
Note: contrast the two images (the conservative and the "BF shirt" looks).
 
The swing in Chinese voters to BN needs to be examined. Low voter turnout was the result of young people (working in major towns) not returning to vote in Teluk Intan. The 15%-age swing of Chinese votes was thus centered on older voters and is a political earthquake in opposition-land. This is what one observer from the Chinese business sector said: "Chinese voters are pragmatic, not idealistic.  Whoever becomes the MP for this one single constituency will have no national outcomes in the short term. However, voting BN gives immediate economic benefit to the community.PR (opposition coalition) does not understand this... hate or love them, the older Chinese in Malaysia are transient and economic beings. They have no idealism, and to them, freedom only stretches to opportunities to make money."
 
This highlights something else discussed among political specialists - that it made sense for the Chinese voters to send a strong message to the opposition on the issue of hudud and other electability issues at this point of the political cycle (GE 13 was in May 2013). Teluk Intan state representatives are already from the opposition and having a BN MP - promised to join the cabinet - would give them better leverage over both political coalitions and access to BN largesse. 
 
One young Chinese voter (from semi-urban but working in urban) noted his disappointment that the Chinese in Teluk Intan seemed unwilling to accept a young Malay girl; as it shows continued voting based on racial lines. He was not sure if the Chinese in his own semi-urban hometown would accept. Others noted that this was a first test by DAP of their ability in the semi-urban / rural sector with a Malay candidate (but this was not a fair test of DAP, given the negative surprise on their chosen candidate - likely they will have to tighten up a lot on background research).
 
A top political economist said: "This loss is upsetting but not shocking. We need to analyse the high number of spoilt votes and poor turnout. I see this as a rejection or disillusionment with both coalitions. To my mind, a key issue not discussed is the recent hudud controversy. PAS goofed up and this is the consequence - a swing in Chinese votes to the BN; and this possibly explains why the Indian swing to PR didn't happen as expected. I also think Dyana was a poor choice. In rural areas, local politics matter and in such a situation parachute candidates don't work."
 
Bottom-line: At a macro level, while the opposition won the popular vote in GE13, they have been in significant disarray since. They have hardly been operating together as a group of "winners." Instead, narrow interests seem to be prevailing - at party and personal levels. Some voters may be disappointed by the poor likelihood of change they seem to represent: a) being apparently unelectable, b) being "UMNO-light" and/or c) proving no challenge to the power of BN-UMNO incumbency. At a micro level, many question the problems in the political strategy and tactics of Teluk Intan. Looking ahead, a political analyst notes the Teluk Intan result should "trim back DAP hubris... (hopefully) opening room for the opposition coalition to rethink and regroup... with four years to recover for the next general election."
 
Notes:
[1] In my research I've noted that specialists mentioning this. PAS and DAP are considered to have the most effective ground campaigning, but they are too restricted to their own different spheres i.e. DAP to Chinese and PAS to its supporters. It has been harder for them to reach beyond their loyal bases e.g. PAS has noted a particular problem in reaching out to women voters in the rural sector.
 
 
31 May 2014, 11.30pm posting:
 
So the expectations for DAP's Dyana to win Teluk Intan were off base. A decisive win was needed (as always). However, these win expectations were mostly made before the eleventh hour Perkasa-link revelations (Dyana's mother was a "pro-tem" member of Perkasa i.e. to propose its formation and registration). I hear some political analysts had earlier expected a 5% or so swing of Malay voters to benefit DAP, but were unsure of the Chinese vote impact. The outcome of the Chinese vote, was according to DAP a 10%-age swing away. This is a big swing figure.
 
Other than the Perkasa-linkage topic, I am hearing that key local DAP politicians had been disappointed that their preferred local boy aka "Superman" was passed over as a candidate. Thus, did the eleventh hour confusion over the aforementioned topic also affect morale of the electoral ground machine? Also, since the DAP Perak team was reportedly not united, the Teluk Intan strategy and campaign was run by Tony Pua and Ong Kian Ming, sent over from urban KL to this rural seat. They would decide on candidate image, posters etc. There were apparently some questions early on whether Dyana's liberal image would sit well with traditional Malay rural folk.
 
Many questions to be asked from this surprising loss of a seat. I'll keep an eye out and update this posting. The strategy for the Malay semi-urban and rural voters is considered key to the next general election. However, this shows that the Chinese voters should not be taken for granted.
 
Key factors to consider include the following:
  • candidate selection
  • candidate image
  • strategy
  • tactics
  • operations & logistics
DAP is an ethnically Chinese-dominated political party in the Pakatan Rakyat opposition coalition. It is trying to be more inclusive of Malays, in order to expand its reach to Malay voters. DAP currently has 37 MPs (after the loss of Teluk Intan): 6 Indian, 2 Malay and 29 Chinese. PKR (Anwar Ibrahim's party) has 30 MPs: 4 Indian, 9 Chinese, 1 Kadazan, 16 Malay. PAS has 21 MPs: 21 Malay. 
 
News links:
 

DAP blames Teluk Intan defeat on low turnout, 10pc Chinese swing (VIDEO) May 31, 2014 - See more at: http://www.themalaymailonline.com/malaysia/article/dap-blames-teluk-intan-defeat-on-low-turnout-10pc-chinese-swing#sthash.rCDUuGmf.dpuf; DAP lost Teluk Intan due to a turnout of just 66.7 per cent, lower than the 80 per cent in Election 2013, party secretary-general Lim Guan Eng said today in early assessment of the by-election.... Lim also said there was a Chinese swing of 10 per cent to Barisan Nasional (BN), after unofficial results showed DAP candidate Dyana Sofya Mohd Daud losing to Gerakan president Datuk Mah Siew Keong by 238 votes. “The voter turnout dropped by 14 [percentage points], that’s 7,000 to 8,000 less voters compared to the previous general election,” Lim told a press conference at the DAP operations centre here today. DAP’s Seah Leong Peng had defeated Mah in the 13th general election last year by 7,313 votes. DAP secretary-general Lim said most of those who did not turn up on polling day were the largely pro-opposition outstation voters.... 


...............................
Item below was posted 27 May here, http://khoryuleng.blogspot.com/2014/05/political-news-on-anti-globalisation.html; and I reproduce it here...

Malaysia: Discovery that new young Malay candidate of the DAP (Chinese-controlled party in opposition coalition) has previously, while her mother was involved with Perkasa# helped out at this important ultra-right Malay nationalist group; http://www.themalaymailonline.com/malaysia/article/daps-dyana-admits-helping-mum-with-perkasa-drive. Thus, her apparent swing from Perkasa to DAP is apparently a remarkable political epiphany. Here's an almost advertorial-looking piece on DAP's Dyana Sofya: http://www.malaysia-chronicle.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=290171:a-new-political-star-in-malaysia-dyana&Itemid=2#axzz32sMqzfjB with a super slick photo (below) to go with it. The Malaysia media has up till the Perkasa revelation been extremely good to her. Dyana Sofya: From UMNO supporter roots to DAP rising star (2013; Lim Kit Siang's political secretary): http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8s5AXfXx9t8. She is expected to win and become the new (opposition) MP for Teluk Intan, Perak. 
   
 
#http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Perkasa: "Perkasa is a non-governmental Malay supremacy organization that was formed by Ibrahim Ali in the aftermath of the Malaysian general elections in 2008. This conservative, extreme-right, ethnic Malay organisation is led by its president Ibrahim Ali, with Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, the former Prime Minister of Malaysia, as advisor. The group claims to have a membership of 420,000, though outsiders estimate the actual figure to be much lower. There are substantiated allegations that more than 60% of its membership consists of UMNO members." Accessed, 27 May 2014.

Saturday, June 14, 2014

Interview #1: Presidential politics and Indonesian palm oil

We've been chatting with Malaysia and Singapore palm oil industry specialists and noticed significant interest in the upcoming Indonesia Presidential vote. Early in the week, we had the opportunity to talk to a Khor Reports reader who was interested to talk about it, and so we present to you this interview. 

Political changes can bring major shifts in resource development policies as well as a different approach to NGOs such as seen in Australia. On the buy side, in major consuming countries, we should note the rise of right wing nationalistic parties who gained more power especially in the European Parliament.

Interviewee #1: Indonesian voter, palm oil industry senor manager, who was part of the student demonstrations in the 1998 ousting of Suharto. A Jokowi supporter.
What do you think of the recent poll numbers?
What's an important issue in Indonesia elections?
What is Prabowo's plaftform?
What does Jokowi stand for?
How did the 9 June debate go?
What are the implications for Indonesia palm oil?
So there's concern in Indonesia about foreign influence amidst nationalistic feeling?
 

Thursday, June 5, 2014

Interview: Wong Chen on electoral politics in rural Malaysia and Teluk Intan

An exclusive interview with Wong Chen, Parti Keadilan Rakyat*, Member of Parliament for Kelana Jaya, Selangor, 5 June 2014.

Some background and other views on Teluk Intan by-election here: http://khoryuleng.blogspot.com/2014/05/dap-suffers-loss-at-teluk-intan-by.html

*Parti Keadilan Rakyat is led by Anwar Ibrahim, the de facto leader of Pakatan Rakyat, the opposition coalition that includes the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Parti Seislam Malaysia (PAS). DAP has long been Chinese controlled and oriented, and is strong in the urban sector, benefiting from malapportionment just as BN-UMNO benefits in the rural sector. PAS is an Islamic party and it is strong in NE Peninsular Malaysia. In the 13th General Election (GE13) on 5 May 2013, the opposition won the popular vote but BN-UMNO retained power, particularly by falling back into its semi-urban and rural strongholds, substantially losing power in the urban sector.

Q: Teluk Intan; what is your take on the semi-urban and rural voters?
First off, I wasn’t in Teluk Intan for the by-election. So my comments here are mostly based on news and feedback from politicians who were there. I also speak from my experience campaigning in rural Bentong, Pahang. 

I spent a year and half, from 2011 to 2012, working the ground. Bentong is about one hour north of Kuala Lumpur by highway. This is a semi-urban and rural constituency with similar demographics to Teluk Intan, with 47% Chinese voters, 42% Malay voters, 8% Indian voters and 3% Orang Asli voters. It is a large parliamentary seat with four state seats (DUNs) and several FELDA settlements. The bulk of the Chinese are in Bentong town along with a sizeable Malay population of civil servants. In addition there were also a lot of small rural Chinese villages. Indians were mostly living in rubber estates and in towns.
I campaigned everywhere, getting to know the imams, village heads, estate workers, Chinese local tai-kors. I organised friendly football games to get to know the youth in the Felda settlements. This attracted the entire village to come out to watch the game. I also attended weddings and funerals. I like to believe that I got to know the social structure of the place quite well. The first six months was exploratory and I fumbled around, but subsequently the villagers believed that I was there for the long haul and started to welcome my visits.
 

Q. It sounds like you were intended as potential “parachute” candidate. How did the local politicians take to that?
I was asked by PKR HQ to contest in Bentong, to take down the MCA leader (then deputy leader) Liow Tiong Lai. They chose me because I am a Chinese with a Kelantanese background. Liow himself is from Melaka. My Kelantanese creds was supposed to give me a swing of Malay rural voter support.

However, I found myself spending 60% of my time fighting local PKR and local DAP politicians who really disliked the fact that I was “parachuted in.” I was even physically threatened by some PKR people. It was all a bit funny, in retrospect. DAP and PKR in Bentong had been fighting tooth and nail for years over which party should contest in Bentong. My presence had united them. For the first time ever, they worked together- but to get rid of me!
In contrast, the PAS team was supportive and proved to be genuine ally in my efforts to engage with the people of Bentong. Eventually, this 2008 PKR seat went back to DAP in 2013 and Wong Tuck (not a relation) stood as the candidate and lost. I was sent to Kelana Jaya and won. I am happy to be serving in an urban area and I still have fond memories of my time in Bentong.
 

Q. How were you able to engage with Malay and Chinese voters in Bentong?
First, you need local introducers to take you to the people of influence. You need to make deep connections with them. Not just superficial ones. This can only be done by spending time to dine with them, attend their functions, and by talking to them one-on-one. Once you convince this person - be it the village head or local boss - that you are genuine, they will then take you to meet the village. It takes about three visits to break the ice.

Malay rural folk are shy at first. They are wary of strangers, more so than urban people. They have their own way of doing things – certain mannerisms and etiquette. They shake hands in a gentle way. I had to relearn a few basic things – to speak in a softer manner, not to be so direct, to eat with my hands, and to greet people in the proper manner. Since I am unable to talk much about Islam, I chose to socialise with them by playing football.   
In the rural Chinese villages, the local guys are quite rough, and I used a different approach. For the Chinese kampungs, I will walk into the local coffee shop and start debating. You need to have a straight forward approach when dealing with them. You need to swear, spit and laugh. On my second visit, the folks there bought me drinks. The bantering is crude but they liked the fact that I was extremely direct and unpretentious.
 

Q. What political logistical issues do you see in a semi-urban / rural constituency?
Time. You need a lot of time. And you need to use of a 4-wheel drive vehicle to get around. You need a driver and a team. Getting to a rural Felda settlement in Chemomoi took me 3.5 hours from KL. To-and-fro, that’s 7 hours travelling and you have 3 hours to do some work to engage the public there. So, when I didn’t have the support of Bentong local PKR politicians – it was hell. I was coming home way past midnight because the Malay kampong ceramahs start at 9pm, after prayers.

Clearly, you also need money – for the driver, car and team. Moreover, rural folks expect you to come with an entourage (“rombongan”) to prove that you are a big man and hence, electable. This means that you have to pay for three cars to accompany you. Initially I advanced money for fuel and food and nobody showed up! It is imperative to build a reliable local team. It took me close to a year to get the team together. So in the Teluk Intan case, and everywhere else, you cannot parachute in for two weeks and hope to win over the hearts and minds of the people.
 

Q. What do you think drives non-urban Chinese voting behaviour?
Chinese folk in Bentong are worried about their illegal land status. They worry about the prices of rubber and palm oil. Most are relatively comfortable – that’s why they haven’t left the village. They make decent income and they await the return visits of their children from the cities during holidays. They hardly interact with other races. And when they do, it is mostly on a friendly basis. They do not see national issues, such as Hudud to be a reality in their life. Conceptually they understand, but they do not see it as part of their world. Hence, I don’t think it is a deciding factor in their voting. More important to them are basic economics and wanting to maintain a peaceful life. They wile away their time with minor vices – mah jong and illegal 4D betting. Some like to fish. Most like to talk about politics – contrary to their laidback life, they are very well informed. So I would say economics first then other issues. In a non-contentious economic cycle year, then it all boils down to whether they like you or not.


Q. What are important issues for non-urban Malay voters?
In a candidate, they seek someone who is one of them – a local, a Malay of some standing and from a good family. I leveraged on the fact that my father is a Datuk. Therefore, they assume that I must come from an important family. A candidate with a large network of family ties will guarantee a rural win. So, if you don’t come from there, you better be the best friend of the guy there with the biggest family network.

Malay voters are also worried about palm oil and rubber prices. About 30% are religious and the rest are just normal folks. Most are also well-informed about national politics. A typical Malay Felda smallholder is in his early late 50s to 60s. He has Indonesian workers that he will send to work on his farm from 8am and pick up at 2pm. He is free to chat with other 60 year olds from 9am to 2pm every day. They are professional conversationalists. When I was there, the biggest topic was Sharizat’s cow scandal. They loved to hear my views and bought me drinks. They are generally a happy lot. They were earning around RM3,000 per month. Palm oil and rubber prices were good. The biggest impact that I made on them was to show them a video of the Bersih 2.0 rally with the police beating the protestors. At a ceramah, they requested that I replay the 3-minute video in a continuous loop, about 10 times. I believe they are not prone to sensational images, but I really connected with them on the basic issue of fairness and justice. They will elect you if they like you, and they will tell their friends to elect you. They liked a Chinese who could speak Kelantanese and could eat with his hands.
 

Q. Given your knowledge and experience of the above, how do you interpret the Teluk Intan by-election outcome?
Teluk Intan was a gamble by DAP. They have a national agenda to attract Malay members and voters en masse, contingent upon Dyana winning. Mathematically with a 7,300 majority, DAP should not have lost. The unintended consequence of this election is DAP had given a new lease of life to Gerakan, giving them a ministerial post to their president. 

Based on my own experience in Bentong, my suspicion is the local DAP team were not fully on board. They probably did not do enough to ensure her victory. This doesn’t mean that this was deliberate, but likely that there was not enough local buy in. Local folks are also suspicious of snooty urbanites telling them what to do. I suffered hell in my early months in Bentong only to find out 6 months later that I had not “asked permission” from local warlords in the proper manner. I was accused of “tak beri salam” before starting work in Bentong.
I personally believe that the DAP election team would have performed better under the guidance of the likes of YB Liew Chin Tong, who is humble, hardworking and understands rural folks. In GE13, he proved himself by capturing several Chinese rural seats in Johor.  

Being a parachute candidate, Dyana shouldn’t be supported by a parachute election team. Only the locals could introduce her and get her the needed support. She had a national image campaign and became a media darling. Unfortunately, the media fawning did not translate to localized support. So, the campaign team will have to bear responsibility. I thought she worked hard, kept her composure and smiled a lot. To really ensure rural victory, you just have to clock in the time with a slow-slow approach and you have to work on the personal touch. In other words, was Dyana embedded there months earlier, when YB Seah became very sick?

Q. Some people ask if rural Chinese are unable to vote for a young Malay girl. What do you think?
Sadly, racism and racist attitudes define Malaysia. The Chinese do not have an absolute moral high ground on this matter. It is pretty clear from the numbers that race was a factor. The Chinese majority seat will prefer a Chinese representative. Is that racism? If we turn the tables around, we have to ask if a Malay majority seat would want a non-Malay candidate.

But I don’t think rural folk are more prone to racism than urban folk. If DAP had fielded a well-regarded local Malay personality, someone from Teluk Intan, I suspect the results would have been better. Whilst the “local boy” factor does not mean much in the urban setting, it means the world in a rural setting.
I will venture to guess that Dyana’s Achilles heel emerged at the very late stages of the election campaigning – Perkasa. Her mother was exposed as a founding pro-tem committee member of Perkasa and Dyana herself helped her mother with memberships. I suspect that her initial denial and subsequent admission let a lot of DAP loyalists down. There was talk that the revelations shook the core cadre of the local machinery. After all, many KL-ites were also questioning her past and asking why no thorough background checks and/or early disclosures were made.
 

Q. Was Hudud a factor?
Hudud is being pursued by both PAS and UMNO via the so called joint study committee. Dyana was against Hudud. So if Hudud was a factor, logically she would have gotten more Chinese votes. For the Malay campaign, I was told that DAP relied heavily on PAS’s machinery. There was talk that PAS did not really want to support an anti-Hudud and non tudung wearing candidate. However, the numbers do not support this theory because the Malay votes actually increased a bit. I was told that the projected percentage Malay swing was 6% but she only managed half at 3%. I think it is somewhat unfair to blame PAS for this shortfall. Ultimately the DAP election team has to plan and execute according to the political landscape.

Rural folks and Hudud? Are Malay rural folks more religious? I really don’t think so. It is true that religion is a very big part of their lives but it does not necessarily translate to votes. If all rural folks were religious, PAS would be in Putrajaya today. Rural folks are primarily and largely economic driven. Whilst they are not buying Bursa stocks and pondering about derivatives, they worry about real economic issues of inflation, the price of fertilisers and what their rubber and palm oil will get them.


Q. What has the Opposition learned from Teluk Intan and how do you move forward?
We need to go back to basics. We need to defend our urban seats. This means good governance and better delivery. Walk the talk. Selangor needs to buck up. Most importantly, Pakatan Rakyat needs to stick together and not take divisive positions. It is crazy that having won the popular vote, we are now acting as if we had failed miserably in GE13.

Moving forward, to win Putrajaya, we need to win some 30 rural seats. Teluk Intan taught us a few things. Local candidates are best. Try not to parachute in a candidate for a rural seat. If you do, you need ample time to settle in. You need local support and in lieu of that, you need resources to build up a fresh election team. There are no real vote banks in Peninsular rural areas. That being the case, it means that all seats are in fact winnable. The team that plans well, works well and works hardest will win.
An exclusive interview with Wong Chen, Parti Keadilan Rakyat, Member of Parliament for Kelana Jaya, 5 June 2014.

Some background and other views on Teluk Intan by-election here: http://khoryuleng.blogspot.com/2014/05/dap-suffers-loss-at-teluk-intan-by.html

Khor Yu Leng has researched and written about the political economy of Felda and Johor-Iskandar and voting outcomes in GE13 (with a focus on rural voting behaviours). Some highlights here: http://khoryuleng.blogspot.com/2014/04/malaysia-political-economy-of-felda-and.html. These works will be published in an academic journal and two books in 2014-2015. She was Visiting Fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in 2013. She is married to Wong Chen.

Saturday, May 10, 2014

Visit with David Butler

Today, I met up with Prof David Butler. I had attended his seminars while at college. Maybe that's why I retained some interest in psephology. Enough anyway to get me through work on the Felda and Johor papers. It was a treat to see him at Nuffield and to attend a Friday 5pm seminar at the aptly named Butler Room. He asked me many questions on the state of Malaysia and shared updates on his work and observation that the Election Commission in India seems well functioning in its role. Butler is famous for the Swingometer.

Saturday, April 19, 2014

Malaysia: Political economy of FELDA and South Johor & GE-13 voting behaviour

 
THE POLITICAL TUSSLE OVER FELDA LAND
SCHEMES – UMNO STRENGTHENS ITS
MALAY RURAL FORTRESS IN GE13
Research done mid-2013, paper to
be published in Kajian Malaysia in 2014

The importance of Felda
• This paper is about the political economy of FELDA and its important place in
the electoral politics of the 13th General Election held on 5 May 2013. In a
heavily contested election, the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional has held on to
power by winning by a 22-seat majority, despite its worst performance with
the loss of the national popular vote and questions about irregularities.
• However, the hope of Pakatan Rakyat, the opposition coalition, to make
inroads in BN’s proverbial FELDA “fortress” vote bank was disappointed.
Instead, there were swings toward BN.
• Winning FELDA areas is important to building up its rural base, in order to win
enough seats to govern. In the midst of urban rejection, UMNO has retained
stronger control in key rural areas, turfing out and keeping out the opposition
coalition from its FELDA stronghold, with Mazlan Aliman of PAS reporting on
the difficulties of reaching FELDA women voters and in allaying rural voter
fears about DAP Chinese rule.
 
Felda issues & voting
• In FELDA settlement areas the ruling coalition is seen to have preferential access
by way of its links with FELDA’s administration. The windfall from the FELDA
Global public listing seems to have been an important boon.
• However, there are interesting regional differences, notably between Pahang and
Johore. Here, the parallels between oil palm replanting economic decision making
and voting behaviour of FELDA settlers is intriguing.
• Efforts to lure the FELDA youth vote seems to have been flummoxed with socalled
money politics, including the offer of new lands for homes for younger
voters.
• At the same time, UMNO-BN may want to repeat its FELDA electoral success by
performing IPO “encores” to generate financial bonuses with two other key land
development agencies – FELCRA and RISDA. Combined with FELDA, these three
agencies may have control and influence of up to 19% of Malaysia’s voters.
 
 
THE POLITICS OF JOHOR-SINGAPORE
INTEGRATION: Malaysian stakeholders
contest within a pro-development
continuum in Johor GE-13
Research done end-2013, paper to
be published as chapter in a book by ISEAS in 2014/2015
 
Johor voting in GE13 – a looking glass world
• The Opposition coalition sought to make significant gains against the
Barisan Nasional coalition in its stronghold of Johor, but the Chinese
18.3% swing against Barisan Nasional is associated with a 1.9%
increased Malay vote for it. Racial and religious issues were
apparently dominant. Johor Malays and Chinese voted in an
ethnically divided manner. Future contests will be for the Malay vote.
On economic issues such as Iskandar Malaysia, the benefits to the
Johor Malay population (especially its below-40 voters) is likely to be
in sharper focus in future political contestation.
 
It’s all about the Malay vote• Thus, former ‘safe-deposit’ states for BN, such as Johor and Sabah are
now considered as the front-line for the next general election.
• The contest will be for the Malay vote. Will the Malay vote be
contested mostly on economic or non-economic issues?
• On economic projects such as Iskandar Malaysia, the benefits to the
Johor Malay population (especially its below-40 voters) is likely to be
in sharper focus. If so, the rhetoric used by PAS in GE-13 and BN’s
post GE-13 policy reactions may be good indicators of future political
contestation over the grand project of Johor-Singapore integration


The above is extracted from my presentation material on the topics. Please contact me for more info.